Ben A. Ben H. Doug Later
     
     
   
Martin Scorcese's comments on Iraq spark in Lilek's mind a vision of heaven that I think we all share:

You know what I?d like to hear, just once? "As a New Yorker, I remember too well the death and destruction that arrived on our doorstep that day in September. As an American, I worry about regimes who possess both the means to kill innocent citizens and the devilish will to do it. As an artist, I value the freedom I have in a pluralistic, secular democracy, and I realize that these traits are not only rare and worthy of defense, but deserve to be extended to people in other nations. As a student of history, I am impressed by how our military - which has the ability to annihilate cities and nations - has spent billions to develop weapons that destroy a single building. Surely this says as much about us as our crass and extroverted culture; what other nation with our abilities would take such care? Presented with enemies who build weapons factories next to kindergartens, we invent missiles that take the former and spare the latter. This may not mean we are right, but it surely means we are are bound by a notion of decency our opposites lack. As a human being, I mourn the loss of innocent life that will surely attend any war - but I must admit, if we could have prevented 9/11 with a military action that cost a dozen innocent lives, I would have supported it with the reluctance that must attend any act of organized violence. And finally, as a filmmaker who lives in a special kind of isolation, surrounded mostly with affluent like-minded people from the arts community, I must admit that when it comes to foreign affairs and military matters I don?t know what the hell I?m talking about." [1/10/03 06:17]
 
   
Reading "Les Miserables" now. ("The Miserables" would make a good sit-com title.) To get the negative stuff out of the way, it's long, long, long, my God it's long, and secondly the plot is packed with events that are too convenient, too contrived, too melodramatic. One example out of hundreds: Fantine receives a letter from Cosette's evil caretakers demanding 50 francs, then staggers outside, where whom does she see but a rogue dentist offering 50 francs for her front teeth.

These things aside, though, it's a book that both American and French writers could learn a lot from. Despite my personal distate for long books, I can forgive Hugo. He's not trying to show off with a "hefty" book, he doesn't want to lose the reader in endless digressions, he doesn't want to make a literary jigsaw puzzle like so many writers nowadays, he's not trying to dumbfound you with detail or argument or erudition. He's just writing the way his ideas come to him. If he spends ten pages describing a stable or a nun, well, it's because his imagination bestows such detailed visions to him, and he thinks it would be a crime to pare down his transcriptions of them. I happen to disagree; I think it would be a good thing if he pared down his prose by a factor of two or three. But it's a case of leaving in too many ideas that came naturally to him, rather than a case of laboriously cobbling together a bunch of disparate stuff, in the manner of lesser, less forgivable long-book writers.

The great thing that sets him apart, from so many French writers especially, is that he betrays no will to subversive cleverness, no "pretty taste for paradox". Ever since Freud, a lot of French authors have felt a need to discover some new Principle of the subconscious, or some new World-historical Agent, and to set forth its counterintuitive behavior, in order to be taken seriously. (I'm thinking of Jean Baudrillard and his claim that the WTC's "death instinct" caused it to commit suicide, of Zaki Laiti's diagnosis of American "acosmia", of Philippe Soller's ramblings on this very page, etc.) Hugo is utterly innocent of this. He sees people, feels what they feel, understands how their actions affect others, and does all this many times more acutely than any of us -- and then he puts it down on paper. He writes what seems important to him, and if it's been said before, so much the better. He has absolutely no anxiety about being sneered at for unoriginality. So what if some of his sentences are sentimental truisms? The thing about truisms is that they're true. And Hugo usually says them more elegantly than anyone.

Now not being much of a psychologist myself, I won't guess whether Hugo is as good as Tolstoy or Dostoevsky or Balzac or Proust at laying bare the workings of the soul. But having surfed the web a little bit for the first time in two weeks, I can affirm an incredible sophistication gap between Hugo and American web scribblers. Not that this should come as a surprise. It's just a whiplash effect that makes me point this out. The whiplash of turning from Andrew Sullivan-type people excoriating Joan Didion-type people for suggesting that the 9/11 terrorists might be anything other than Pure Evil, to the following description of Javert, which puts to shame so many of our arguments about whether they were "cowards":

Probity, sincerity, candor, conviction, and the idea of duty are things that, when they go astray, can become hideous, but which, even when hideous, remain grand; their majesty, peculiar to the human conscience, persists through horror. They are virtues that have one vice: error. The pitiless, honest joy of a fanatic in the midst of his atrocity keeps I know not what lugubriously venerable gleam.
[1/9/03 20:00]
 
 
(CAROLIN)G ? [1/7/03 16:42]
 
   
Locrian cacaphony with eggnog conclusion! (8) [1/7/03 13:49]
 
 
Likewise, good to see you and your "conjoint". I'll make sure to check out Magma Zone my next time over, though I have to say that I am partial to American Airlines "Trivia Bowl" myself.

You saw that nutty NYT article about the, ahem, heterodox history of America's discovery as well? I detected a touch of archness in the account, but frankly I found it surprisingly sympathetic given the nearly complete absence of evidence the featured crank could provide.

In the end, does it really matter if the Chinese showed up the U.S. a hundred years before Colombus? If it could remain a secret until now, that tells you something about its importance for the subsequent course of history. The same goes for Leif the Lucky (and you know how fond I am of Icelanders, so I make the observation without animus). Whether the Chinese came or didn't come may be of importance to the keepers of historical trivia, but had no role in shaping our American present. I concur with lefty activists that the whole business of "discovery" of America is something of a crock. There were already people living here. Now, I part company from the lefties at this point by noting that the aborigines constituted walking historical marginalia. What's important is not what nationality launched the first ocean-going vessel to show up at an American shore; but, rather, who *conquered* America, who *settled* it, and who turned the Indians from the masters of the continent to the keepers of its casinos. And that's the Europeans, period.
[1/6/03 14:57]
 
   
Hey guys. Great to see you and your "conjoints" (to use the French term) in New York last week. I'm writing this post mainly to keep myself awake through the jet-lag danger period, so forgive me if it goes astray.

I started to feel acutely wishy-washy on this trip saying to all my friends that I still have no idea when I'm moving back to the US. So in the interest of decisiveness, let me say that I will move back when I clear level two of the "Magma Zone" video game that's on Air France's trans-Atlantic planes. I get a little closer each flight. (Air France has advanced technology that allows every passenger an individual video screen and game controller hooked up to what appears to be a TRS-80.)
On another topic, something that occurred to me when reading a Sunday NY Times article about Chinese explorers. With due respect to Bernard Lewis, the real reason that Arab culture has such a crushing self-esteem problem is this: it's the only culture that has not been claimed to have discovered America before Columbus. Here's an opportunity for your Ed Saids and your Elaine Scarries to do some real good.
[1/6/03 09:32]
 
     
 
Is Evolutionary Biology the New Marxism?

The Times today contains an
interview with a Dr. Sloan Wilson, a biologist who applies the tools of evolutionary biology to the study of religion. The basic analysis he champions is new paint on old ships. Could religion be understood in terms of its usefulness for the functioning of a group? Why yes! C.f., for example, The Republic, Book I.

What’s notable about the interview is the absence of any obvious connection between the motivating concept and a research plan for how one would actually conduct science. It’s good fun to suggest that religion could be “like a virus,” but at some point one needs a method to identify a putative adaptation, or to show how a hypothesis could be refuted. Instead we get remarks like this one:

One of the keys to the success of religion is its emphasis on the moral equality of those in the community. You might be rich, and I might be poor, but in some sense you're no better than me. This guarded egalitarianism may be fundamental to the willingness of people to cooperate with others, including those who are unrelated to them, and to become the primate equivalent of a eusocial species like bees or ants.

It’s hard to know how to evaluate comments like this. Could the ‘egalitarianism’ of religion (whoops, I guess Hinduism is out!) be valuable to a society, and hence ‘adaptive’? Let me go out on a limb: Yes.

But could historiographic analysis ever quantify the adaptive value of religious egalitarianism in any meaningful way; or compare the adaptive value of more or less ‘egalitarian’ religions? Good luck. This isn’t science, it’s conceptual and historical noodling. It may be plausible – hey, I buy it! – but it’s noodling nonetheless.

This kind of work seems typical of the slip-shod habits evolutionary biologists demonstrate when they start proclaiming on issues great and weighty. In some sense, of course, Darwinian analysis must be correct. If our institutions and beliefs weren't evolutionarily 'fit', we'd be dead. The question is rather whether using the concepts of selection and adaptation as heuristics for historical study yields anything beyond a semaphor of hand-waving. The close analogy is Marxism -- which subsumed all proximate causes into a search for economic preconditions. I think we may being seeing a repeat of that sorry academic fad. [12/24/02 16:48]
   
     
   
And two action items:

(1) Found the "
Quadrant 2 Peace Initiative".

(2) Send Jimmy Carter to Pyongyang as soothing gesture of goodwill; bomb reactors just before cheese course. [12/23/02 09:38]
 
   
Two theses I've drawn, rightly or wrongly, from your Venezuela information.

Thesis 1: the most useful work that "peace workers" can do is to strengthen education, justice, friendship, industry, and trade in places that have not yet flared into dangerous conflict. Once war breaks out or thugs seize power, peace workers' help is too easily hijacked by the thugs, giving them material aid, time to scheme, and diplomatic cover.

Thesis 2: The Nobel peace committe, the Carter Center, and like organizations are wrong to lavish so much attention on those who convince already-too-powerful bad guys not to trigger bloodbaths. They take resources away from what, by Thesis 1, is the most important work. And they give a perverse incentive to Nobel-coveters like, say, Bill Clinton, to let problem countries deteriorate until they're in the headlines, and only then step in to save dramatically what's left of the day.

I'd say that the 1999 Nobel Prize for Medecins Sans Frontieres is a great example of how the peace industry should work ... if it weren't for their annoying high-horsemanship with regard to Israel, "rapacious" drug companies, etc.
[12/22/02 16:36]
 
   
Thomas Friedman echoes your sentiments, Ben, warning that Saddam may escape through 11th-hour "dialog". [12/22/02 04:23]
 
 

The unhelpful interventions of the Carter Center (and now, in less naive but no more productive fashion, OAS President Gaviria) in Venezuela raises the question of whether we have come to reflexively overestimate the power and impor
tance of "dialog." Wherever around the globe conflicts erupt, right-thinking people beg all sides to come together in dialog. We have plenty of peace processes but altogether less peace. The line between "dialog" and appeasement strikes me as uncomfortably blurry.

Are there not certain forces with which we should forswear "dialog?"; whose project is so evil or bad faith so apparent that parley serves no purpose? We should not forget that protracted "dialog" imposes a cost. Take Venezuela for an example: the Carter Center and OAS dialogs have given Chavez a lot of time to entrench himself. He'll prove much harder to dislodge now, and in the meantime Venezuelan GDP has fallen by nearly 10%.

The other question is, if the answer to any conflict is "dialog", what does that mean for the case in which the two sides talk and negotiate on and on and reach no agreement. One can't then simple call for more "dialog," for by recursion this leads to the notion that either side can by sheer intransigence preserve the status quo. That's like the old Argentine law of ultractividad, by which the terms of an expired labor contract continued to have force. Guess how often wages could be cut?

More useful than spouting platitudes about "keeping lines of communication open" and "talking rather than shooting" (which all but the sadistic can agree to), we should devote some thought to the limits of "dialog." When do we call it quits? When do we skip it entirely?
[12/22/02 00:32]
 
   
Thanks for the rundown on Chavez; I have not, obviously, been keeping up on the Venezuelan situation. And if the Carter Center was half as harmful as you say, there's a story that demands to be trumpeted in the press. When the North Korean nuke story broke, it seemed clear that Carter's meddling had bought time for the Dear Leader's death machine, but I also wanted to believe that it was an isolated case, despite the invective of Andrew-Sullivan-type people. I hadn't the slightest idea what Carter actually did in Venezuela. I just wanted to stress that, generally speaking, we should build the world a home and furnish it with love, grow apple trees and honeybees, and snow-white turtle-doves. As indeed we should. [12/21/02 18:41]
 
 
Look, I think that constitutionalism offers the best hope for human happiness and prosperity. But constitutionalism means quite a bit more than the existence of a procedural document that must be followed at all times. Constitutionalism cannot exist in the absence of a civic culture: a people educated enough to make rational choices, constitutional institutions strong enough to do their duty in the face of intimidation, and consensus in the legitimacy of the constitution itself. In the case of Venezuela, we have a situation where 75% of the population wants the guy gone, and Chavez has managed to check a constitutional exit only by brazen manipulation of the weak institutions charged with constitutional duties. Example: the opposition raised 3mm signatures on a petition for a referendum. Technically, the refendum petition must be approved by the CNE (Consejo Electoral Nacional). Chavez had two of his cronies resign from the CNE so it could not manage a quorum. He refused to appoint replacements. Is the essense of Constitutionalism the slavish adherence to the rules? What would we say if an American president so manipulated the constitution? It's perhaps unthinkable here, because of our strong institutions. We would not have a weak and manipulable CNE. Without the institutional framework, constitutionalism doesn't work.

Consider for a moment Nixon's departure. He wasn't convicted by the Senate. He resigned under pressure -- from other institutions and (like in Venezuela) from the press and public. It wasn't a clean constitutionally prescribed outcome. However, our strong civic culture produced leaders within Nixon's own party who called on him to resign; and it was our strong civic culture and institutions that convinced Nixon that attempting to hang on in the face of such opposition would be useless. Americans understand the spirit of the constitution, the duties it demands, and the kinds of behaviors that fall outside its boundaries. Citizens of all factions came to consensus that it was time for Nixon to go and so, recognizing that, he went. The script that the country followed did not come direcly from the constitution, but a meta-constitutional (or constitutional in the sense of instinctive) sense of political behavior.

Venezuela has a detailed constitution that the Bolivarians like to wave around. But that doesn't mean Venezuela has constitutionalism. If 75% of the population (the 75% that's literate, for the most part) so desires Chavez's immediate departure that they are willing to go on strike for 19 days, to do without heat, without gas, without toilet paper (basic goods are running out), we cannot fairly characterize their pleas as invidious coup-mongering; and we do them great wrong to turn up our noses until they find some convoluted mechanism in the Bolivarian Constitution to engineer their oppressor's removal.

The choice is not between Chavez and some equally dastardly junta. The reason Pedro Carmona Estanga and his little gang of puntofijistos wound up at Miraflores on April 12 was precisely *because* the U.S. was too constrained by captious scruple to intervene more forcefully. We failed help organize some kind of broad transitional regime and in a vacuum of civic culture the usual corrupt suspects ended up in power (briefy). If we don't want to see Third World countries careen from junta to junta, we need to get involved in order to build a civic culture, rather than stand aside in the hopes that some scrap of intermittently honored paper can guide the destiny of a people untutored in the virtues that allow a republic to function.

But making the argument for dumping Chavez extraconstitutionally is a whole lot easier than all that. For above, I only cite Chavez's borderline manipulation of constitutional forms. In reality, he has violated the constitution daily in his struggle to save the Bolivarian Revolution. Let's hit the highlights: he has diverted money from the macroeconomic stabilization fund to pay for arming his gangs (the so-called circulos Bolivarianos), he has ordered illegal break-ins to the houses of opposition leaders, he has seized the airwaves to broadcast propaganda, he has sent gangs to terrorize opposition newspapers, he has taken away control of the Caracas police from the elected mayor of the city and handed it over to Chavista loyalists of the National Guard, he has sent his legbreakers to shoot at peaceful opposition marches, he has given away Venezuelan oil for free to Cuba without any authorization from the National Assembly; shall I go on? And while Chavez shreds the constitution and threatnes the lives of the opposition, the U.S. should in the name of constitutionalism insist that the anti-Chavistas meticulously check off every item required for the constitutional removal of the president? That's just nuts.

Now a word about the Carter Center. I cannot be certain whether these smug jet-setters are merely hopelessly naive meddlers or countercultural fifth-columnists out to prop up anti-American regimes. But let's take a look at their conciliation-seed-sowing in Venezuela, shall we? The Carter Center gave Chavez invaluable political cover that allowed his regime to forestall opposition mobilization at a time when the opposition had a much better chance of unseating Chavez without violence or serious disruption to the Venezuelan economy. Chavez used the infinitely tolerant Carter Center to keep up the pose of "conciliation" and "negotiation" while he went about purging the army and the National Guard and funneling diverted oil money to his thuggish Bolivarian Circles. When the opposition pointed out these activities, the international community in turn pointed to the ongoing "dialog" superintended by the honest brokers at the Carter Center. Surely, if such nefarious plans were underway, Jimmuh's elves would pull out?
[12/21/02 16:15]
 
   
You make a good point that U.S. quiescence in Venezuela shears the teeth off the old saw, "America steamrolls everyone else to protect its interests". But you also seem to be saying that we should steamroll Chavez out of our way. That's way too cynical for me. Maybe it's because you've spent more time in the third world than I have that the either/or of right-wing/left-wing dictatorship seems inevitable to you. If oppression is inescapable, why not indeed install our friends as the oppressors? I just can't accept that premise. I know it sounds glib and airy coming from me, a person who's never come face to face with the intractability of third-world kleptocracy, but you've got to fight for justice and democracy, even if it's centuries away and your efforts sometimes look puny and quixotic. Who are we to say that Jimmy Carter's efforts only yielded frequent flier miles? Maybe that was the main result, but maybe he also planted some seeds of conciliation between luncheons. Ceteris paribus, a constitutional solution is better than an extra-constitutional one because respect for the rule of law has to start somewhere. There are no Madisons or Montesquieus in Venezuela today, but there could be someday, unless contempt and cynicism resign everyone to the traditional merry-go-round of juntas. [12/21/02 15:18]
 
 
I have another suggestion for Earthtone Al. Maybe he can take over for Jimmuh Carter as America's designated sanctimonious interloper, now that Jimmuh has won his precious Nobel and can cut back his schedule of autocrat-posterior-smooching. Al could start in Venezuela, where earlier this year the (pre-Nobel) Carter center launched a mediation effort that achieved nothing but lots of frequent flier miles for the Emory Appeasers. Al might start by s-l-o-w-l-y and c-l-e-a-r-l-y explaining to the benighted venezolanos that they must abandon their hydrocarbon economy. Making their living off poisoning the environment has coarsened their moral fiber. Didn't Chavez and his detractors read Earth in the Balance?

By now, you guys probably know the basic facts in Venezuela. I've been placing bets with the officemates about Chavez's departure date for almost a year now. IN fact, I had a really pleasurable 48 hours of gloating back in April before Venezuelan political incompetence allowed the Commandante to pull a Lazarus and thereby force a plate of crow down my gullet. Back then, I confidently predicted he'd be out in weeks, since the U.S. couldn't afford instability in oil supply right before taking on Iraq. It looks like I overestimated the "Big Oil" Bush team. Late in August, when it looked like Pemex might go on strike, too, I asked a political consultant we use, a former student of and still informal sounding board for Condoleeza Rice, if anyone on Team Bush was considering the possibility of an oil "perfect storm": namely, PDVSA, Pemex and some portion of the Gulf all going offline at once. The answer, which gives the lie to the notion of Team Bush as an oil patch graft on Washington, was a clear no. Well, the equilibrium of ignorance and bliss only holds in the short term. Team Bush faces likely February action in the Gulf with oil *already* at $30/bbl, due to the ongoing strike at PDVSA. Facing this sizeable monkey wrench in the war machinery, the administration has been strangely passive. From a forceful call last week for early elections to replace Chavez, the U.S. has softened its line to match the OAS's rather noncommital call for a "constitutional outcome." Meanwhile, the general strike stretches into its 19th day. The problem -- which if the liberal "Big Oil" slander were true would have long ago been obvious to Team Bush -- is that if Chavez gets tossed tomorrow and PDVSA workers return to their jobs immediately, the disturbance to the oil market will not immediately dissipate.

Once a well has been capped for a certain period of time, it becomes a non-trivial business to restore pressure to the point that the well achieves its prior maximum flow rate. In the case of mature fields, the wells may *never* reach peak flow again. Striking PDVSA senior managers held a conference call today and even they, who have every interest in minimizing the extent of the permanent damage to Venezuela's oil industry their actions might cause, admitted that mature fields might have already lost up to 10% of their production capacity. At best, it will take 60-90 days to get back up to 2.5ish mbpd from 400kpbd (the abyssmal level to which Venz production has fallen). It's not clear who is going to make this production up. A further complicating factor is that Venezuelan oil is heavy and sour; certain U.S. refining capacity treats specifically this grade of oil. More Saudi production won't plug this particular gap.

We could have solved this problem in April had we not opted for such solicitude for the bad conscience of Chavez's fellow illegitimate democrats. Should we have backed away from support for CHavez's ouster because of Eduardo Duhalde's or Gustavo Noboa's (both unelected presidents of dysfunctional polities) discomfort with "extra-constitutional" actions? Now we reap the bitter harvest of our unappreciated multilateralism. Respect for constitutions is well and good in countries with meaningful and stable Magnae Cartae. But to lament the contravention of the constitution in countries populated by illiterate paupers, countries that write and discard constitutions like Stephen King tosses off potboilers, seems disingenous in the extreme. This time around, it's some of the more piddling members of the OAS who restrain us. The CARICOM countries have suddently discovered an abhorrence of disorderly transfer of power. Ah, principles! It wouldn't have anything to do with the tens of thousands of barrels per day of oil Chavez has been selling at below-market prices to these resourceless spits of rock? No, only Amerika sells its virtue for the black ooze.

We should, instead, have learned the lesson of that great old Saturday Night Live sketch where a talk show host interviews a group of Bond-film villains. "We can't stress enough," one said (and i paraphrase), "when you've caught him, JUST PUT A BULLET IN HIS HEAD."
[12/21/02 02:18]
 
 
Extending the Brand

Reality TV options involving Al Gore:

--The Gores

--Former VP Fear Factor

--Alpha Males Gone Wild!

--Survivor: Total Irrelevance

[12/17/02 20:03]
   
 

Perhaps Al's media saturation did not aim at catapulting him into the 2004 Presidential race. Rather than floating a political trial balloon, Al hit the airwaves for the same reason any B-grade celebrity does, namely, to sell product. Al has two books on the market at the moment. He doesn't have Bill's magnetism to fall back on. Al's got to work for a living. I, for one, admire his hustle. A lifetime of suckling at the teat of "public service" apparently hasn't dulled his commercial instincts. Let's see how he reacts when he gets that first royalty check with taxes deducted.
[12/17/02 18:06]
 
 
Karina in 2032!

Let me drop a new topic into the ring: Gore’s stunning non-candidacy. The announcement seems to have ambushed everyone. It’s hard to convey to you expats and media hermits just how visible Al has been over the past two weeks. He published two books on families, (one a book of photographs for the core illiterate demographic), and appeared on every talk show venue imaginable. He was on Comedy Central for heavens sake! No one imagined this was a prelude to resignation. Or rather, no one conceived this trial balloon would admit of popping.

The leading interpretation now depicts the move as a strategic withdrawal to prepare (a la Nixon) for 2008. I am less certain. We may have seen the end of Al.
[12/16/02 18:35]
   
 
Spiccoli is against war in Iraq? Whoah, call the NSC! You know, he could probably do more for peace if he would stop punching photographers. But seriously, at least now I know why Penn played such a convincing retard in "I am Sam." He *is* a retard.

And in response to the painting, I note again what I said in a earlier post. Just because a work of "art" is totally different from a bad work of "art" doesn't make it good. Given the choice between the "discarded aesthetic of the 70s" and the Tate Modern, I'll put my eyes out.
[12/16/02 12:11]
 
   
Falling off "irony-renunciation" bandwagon

In October I tagged along to a logic conference in Nancy where my friend (Walt) was giving a paper. Luckily he had his digital camera, because this painting was in the hotel room:



It's hilarious because it's such a concentrated example of what Trent Lott might call "the discarded aesthetics" of the 1970s ... and yet technically, it's incomparably superior to almost anything in PS1 or the Tate Modern.
[12/16/02 11:42]
 
     
 
Accentuate the Positive

I share Doug’s worry that blogging – and media addiction in general – serves only to increase bile, pessimism, and misery. Certainly learning of Sean Penn’s visit to Baghdad has had no positive effect. To quote an anonymous (or at least I can’t remember his name) blogger: “I need a sign that says: Kill Kurds, Not Mumia.”
[12/16/02 09:39]
   
 
Thanks for the Sollers translation, Doug. I agree that a detailed line-by-line appraisal would be a waste not of ink per se but at least of key strokes. One thing that I did manage to learn out of the moth-eaten and water-damaged Bible of the Humanities that is Harvard is that one can learn a lot about a writer from what words he seems to use as though they have a very strong positive or pejoritive connotation. Boy, he's really into "thinking." Big plus sign there. But all other mental activity gets the minus sign. Heaven forfend you should spend your time in the realm of the senses and dare to share your observations with others. Pure logic is the only object worthy of the French intellectual mind, it appears. The echoes of the Enlightenment resound, distorted, down the ages.

As for Sarkosy, I am grateful for the color you provided. I read a story recently (which I think relates to an earlier post of yours) about the crack-down on street-walking prostitutes. The prostitutes counterattacked accusing this Sarkosy of being a fascist brute. I wondered how long he would last. I suppose, though, that in a country where crime is bad enough that Le Pen could come in second in the election on the strength of his law and order rhetoric, no bunch of painted syphilitics would be able to drive out a tough-guy interior minister.

While we're on the topic of France, let me note that some of her more pessimistic prophets suggest that globalization only runs one way. Yet, today in New York, we see evidence of the contrary. The transit workers have gone on strike, much as they have done with some historical frequency in France, and as they have recently taken a liking to doing in the U.K. And listening to the TWU head's press conference last night on the radio, I found it interesting that he should downplay his wage demands and spend more time talking about lack of "dignity" and "respect" accorded to the workers, as evidenced by the high rate at which they get disciplined by the MTA (and that this rate is higher than those of comparable cities). Sort of French sounding rhetoric. But perhaps there is an explanation. The TWU chief actually has a bit of a French accent: he is a fellow named Roger Toussaint, a Haitian by my reckoning. I guess globalization has been going on a long time.

Some observations from hour 5 of the strike. First, the strike has not officially started. The deadline has been extended for a few hours. However, all the counter-measures are in effect anyway. I saw a number of charter buses lumbering around my neighborhood; there was a SuperShuttle van assembling a load of passengers at the corner where the bus usually stops. Although Bberg has imposed a ban on cars with fewer than four occupants coming into Manhattan, I saw a number of single-occupant Jersey-plated vehicles. Taking my relatively new responsibilities as a "manager" seriously, I arranged for black car service for the far-flung members of my department. I've been disappointed by Bberg so far. IN '99, the Willie James era TWU threatened a strike. Rudy told him flat out he'd throw him in jail (it is illegal in New York for vital public sector workers to strike) and fine the union a millions bucks a day or some such large sum. Each worker would get fined $25K flat and two days pay for each day he or she missed. The result, as you might have guessed: no strike. Bberg's response? I hope the MTA negotiates succesfully; but just in case, I am buying a bicycle and so should you, my fellow New Yorkers. Shades of Jimmuh Cartuh donning a cardigan and turning down the White House thermostat in the face of an OPEC action. Woosy liberals!
[12/16/02 07:21]
 
 
Like a sacrificial virgin balanced on a ziggurat in an earthquake

I've been trying to maintain a commitment to positivity as well. Which, when combined with a commitment to coherence, poses a significant barrier to frequent posting (future comment: Fuck those fucking fuckers!).
[12/13/02 16:25]
   
     
   
The Bandarlog should have a rule: for every negative post, you owe two positive ones. So here, following my Philippe Sollers translation (note that I could weasel out of this by noting that I never said anything directly negative about his essay), are some good things about France.

First, Le Monde's number factoids. If you subscribe to LeMonde.fr (and you should -- the subscribers' site is Dao's project!) you get access to all kinds of wonderful extra content. For example, weather reports that are not wholly random. (Just kidding, Dao -- I know the subscribers' forecasts are just as random as anonymous users'.) But seriously, there's this cool Flash thing during December that gives factoids about the number of each day, from 1 to 31. Sounds potentially lame, I know, but I will vouch for them. Example: Did you know that the names of the 8 notes of the scale (do, re, mi, fa, so, la, si, do) come from the first syllables of a hymn to St. John the Baptist? Did you know the French equivalent of "Eeny meeny miney moe"? (It starts "Am, Stram, Gram".) All this and more at the Numeriks thingy on LeMonde.fr.

Second, wonderful as LeMonde.fr is, you sometimes want a more straightforward approach to the news. The
Figaro is a solid alternative, the established right-of-center paper, but for something even more radically unstodgy, head to 20minutes.fr. 20 Minutes is a free newspaper distributed in the subway and financed by advertising. It's succinct, full of facts, colorful, useful for daily life in Paris, and when they want to say, for instance, "northern", they'll say "du nord", rather than "septentrional", like some newspapers I could mention. I always try to support common sense and enterprise in France; 20 Minutes combines both. Don't let my harping convince you that they don't exist here.

(Moreover, its stories appear to remain freely linkable at their addresses in perpetuity. In my book that's a sine qua non of a "newspaper of record", although the New York Times seems not to agree.)

Hell, while I'm on the topic of common sense, I'll give you a third good thing about France: Nicolas Sarkozy. I follow French politics no more closely than American politics, so I have nothing particularly insightful to say about him, but I think he is somebody Americans should be aware of. Sarkozy is the interior minister of the young center-right government. His overall platform is that laws should be enforced and criminals punished. If that sounds banal or tautological, consider pre-Giuliani New York. Sarkozy is France's Giuliani. He is injecting common sense into a system mired in useless socially-conscious platitudes. Crime has already fallen. By and large, people are thrilled with him, especially after his much-watched TV debate the other day. Even Le Monde's commentators -- from whom you'd expect to hear "Let's examine this simplistic 'crime is bad' mantra from a Heideggerian perspective" -- are gushing.

It's interesting how, when an institution (like the French justice system) is radically, systemically malfunctioning, it takes an outsider to restore common sense. People within the institution have gotten used to the dysfunction, and fear disturbing its equilibrium lest they fall in its internal ranking. When New Yorkers elected a Republican mayor for the first time in I don't know how long, it was a way of admitting that a radical solution needed to be applied from the outside -- nobody in the Democratic machine could overcome the city government's sclerosis. Sarkozy is the same way, especially because, being ethnically Hungarian, he can't be written off as a scion of the reactionary "establishment". Giuliani's Italian background may have helped the same way -- would New Yorkers have welcomed a Rockefeller vowing to reinstate order?

On a smaller scale, Dao has achieved the same thing at her company here in France. Her colleagues are smart and capable, but their way of working was, well, typical of Latin countries. If some French guy had been appointed to put some organization into the organization, they would have said "Who does this guy think he is?" and used typical office-political ploys to put him in his place. But Dao, in addition to being perfect for this sort of job, is a female Asian-American, hence off the radar of internal politics, and is there at the direct behest of the CEO.

... Which is another key thing. Outsiders may be the only ones who will risk shaking up malfunctioning institutions, but that isn't enough. They need to be deputized by whatever or whoever has ultimate power over the system. In the cases of France and New York, it's the voters. In Dao's case it's the CEO.

Who is the ultimate power in the case of American humanities departments? The students' parents. But now we're back to the street-fair paradox: a self-serving minority (charlatan professors) screws the majority (the parents), no quorum of which will take the considerable trouble to stand up for itself. One way to make it stand up for itself is to make it realize how badly it's being screwed. The West Prize that Ben A. proposes is a good way to do this. Ivy League parents do not, I wager, have any idea how far the humanities have fallen. If they hear of Elaine Scarry or Homi Bhabha, they'll probably write them off as anomolies. And even if not, they may think of the humanities as a little fun thrown into leaven the whole wheat of the sciences. Or maybe they don't care what their kids learn at all -- the diploma is their $100,000 ticket to the Establishment, as Ben H. once put it, and if they learn something too, well that's icing on the cake.

But I doubt many parents are quite that cynical -- I think many could be shocked into resenting, if not opposing, the humanities classes they pay for.

My own suggestion, complementary to Ben's, is the Parallel Humanities School. I think we should set these up in Ivy League towns and convince parents to pay us to do the job their $30,000-a-year universities no longer perform.
[12/13/02 14:03]
 
   
Pretentious nonsense is everywhere; here, for example. But it's uninteresting there, on a University of Idaho website that nobody would ever see except by Google accident. Only when major institutions put their full weight behind pretentious nonsense does it become interesting. Hence our fascination with Homi Bhabha. And hence my translation of Philippe Sollers' front-page Le Monde essay below.

I translated this article because it epitomizes (or rather, because its publication on the front page of France's newspaper of record epitomizes) a trait of France's culture that is totally foreign to America's. I thought Americans might want to see this trait in its purest form. (Memri.org serves a similar purpose for the Middle East: It translates Arab and Israeli local-consumption press, so that we can see what they really think, or at least say among themselves, without the spin one has to suspect taints full-page New York Times advertisements taken out by the Saudi information ministry.)

I don't mean to say that "the French" are epitomized by this article, or even that Le Monde is epitomized by it. I say only that it epitomizes a salient trait of French culture. What trait? I can't say. Just read the article. Probably there is no good way to describe it in English. Now maybe Ben H. will say I'm shirking my duty, but I don't think it matters so much in this case. When Le Monde's commentators say silly things that have some bearing on world events, I'll take the time to comment on them, as I did
here. In Sollers' article -- you'll see what I mean -- there is no place to get a handhold. As Ben A. said of the Elaine Scarry article that he nominated for the West Prize, it has an orthogonal relationship to reality.

Philippe Sollers is Le Monde's favorite author, period. That's all you need to know of him, except that the following excerpt is representative of his work. He bears comparison with another adulated Frenchman, Pierre Boulez. Remember, Ben H., when we went to that Boulez concert? He did one of his own pieces, thirty minutes of textbook modernist squawking, at the end of which the audience burst into a simultaneous orgasm of applause. How would you go about doing a line-by-line criticism of that piece? "That squawk is inappropriately followed by this higher-pitched squawk." You can't do it. All you can do is register that you are not a dupe, that you perceive its overall worthlessness, and ask whatever cultural institutions care to listen to please pass over his work for that of more deserving composers.

Just remember as you read this that it is on the front page of France's most prestigious newspaper.

Thought, Year Zero
by Philippe Sollers


It should be dawning on us little by little: it is not "free thinking" that is threatened today, but, more violently, thinking itself. Thinking itself is ceaselessly discouraged, put down, put off, used, and abused away from its origins and its essential possibilities. This phenomenon is not new, it comes from afar, but it took an "information era" to drag it into broad daylight.

The absence of thought is full of little feverish and contradictory thoughts, of justified claims, of founded accusations, of legitimate complaints. It dresses up all its adversaries in the same simplified, reactive, stunted way. It stands up for; it stands up against. It denounces, it fumes, it ruminates, it takes itself to analyze what it mererly relays. It happily rails against "the media", as if television were the cause of flattened brainwaves. It sees enemies everywhere, and not without reason, because they resemble it. Walk into any office anywhere: security, buttons, mice, screens, keyboards. Where are we? Men and women, all day, become prostheses of their communication machines. It comes, it goes, it circulates. Misery grows, abundance too. Raita at Tabla, tabbouleh rasa [a free translation for New Yorkers; original has "table pleine, table rase"]. Think? Yes, of course, we think, we have ideas, beliefs, opinions. Society is in good shape, but could be better. The market rises and falls, its respiration contains us [?]. The Left is not leftist enough, but, thankfully, the Right keeps itself from going further right. Much remains to do to expand human rights. Good is still Good, and Evil Evil.

Think? But what do you call thinking? Here's a thinker: "A single way of thinking, propagating itself more and more and under various forms, is one of the unforeseen and discreet aspects of the domination of the essence of the Technic. This essence, in effect, wants the absolute unity of signification, and because it wants it, it needs it."

From when does this proposition date? From 50 years ago, in 1952. And the name of this prophetic thinker? Here I hesitate, I weigh the trouble that citing his name will cause me. Well okay, yes, it's him, the devil in person, Martin Heidegger, in that admirable book, What Is Called Thinking?

The "single way of thinking" is not what certain hurried journalists have called "pensee unique" [monolithic opinion?]. The "one way" (like a railway) is "the absolute unity of signification". There you have the goal, the engine, the target. Excluded of course as superfluous and slowing are leaps, lurches, nuances, digressions, layered meanings, wordplay beyond the merely entertaining, allusions, useless perspectives, doubts, untimely culture, muffled irony, in short, anything that could derail us.

Terrorists are everywhere, waiting for you at the end of the sentence. Emergency in the transportation system -- a bomb is quickly planted, you're afraid and rightly so, invisible viruses are watching you. The more perfected the machine, the more dangerous the parasites. An identity breakdown threatens you. Your God is in danger, your convictions too, whatever they may be. It's difficult to admit, but you tend not to believe in anything anymore, the future of humanity tires you, disease and pollution roam the land, even death is not what it used to be, nor birth, and sex -- well, let's not even talk about sex, today it's every which way.

Would you be a reactionary? No, you don't have the impression that it was better "before". Before what, anyway? Electricity, telephones, microchips, planes, missiles? No, you are firmly in favor of science, peace, birth control, diversity, women's rights, the right of humanitarian intervention, obligatory secular education. It's the future that worries you, a strange future that no longer corresponds to the past that led up to it. It's Time itself that has lost its familiar rhythm. Recall the famous anecdote of Arthur Cravan visiting Andre Gide and asking the question: "Monsieur Gide, ou en sommes-nous avec le temps?" And Gide pulled out his watch: "Quarter past six." But that wasn't the question. [A play on the word for "time" that I don't understand --Doug.]

Too Simple

I shouldn't have quoted Heidegger, and I know I should also restrain myself from quoting Nietzsche. Their thoughts do not fit with the "one way". They were terribly wrong, we're reminded every day. Heidegger is definitvely Nazi, and Nietzsche misogynist. What we need is wisdom, retooled Buddhism, reinforced humanism. And yet anguish [or just leave it as "angoisse" if you prefer -- certain words really ought to be in French, as Nietzsche knew when he wrote of "ressentiment"] is there, it tells us what exists, namely the strange destiny of the earth as a whole right down to its farthest nooks. "This destiny will shake all human thought at once, and in dimensions along which what today's people take for death throes limited to one sector -- the jumping around of Literature -- will look like a simple detail." Another passage of What Is Called Thinking?

The shaking in question here is not a simple overthrow or collapse; it's not even impossible that it prepares something else, a new horizon, a new rest. So could we be talking, paradoxically, about a progressivism? No. Not pessimism or optimism. Rather a different relation to time. But just that, maybe, is what we don't want. It would be too gratuitous, irrepresentable, inevaluable, an enormity. Too simple, above all. Too liberating, too free. After all, there is a little book one might re-read these days (and I'm astonished that it's not on the Index): Voluntary Servitude by Boethius. Modern translation: The abyss of masochism. Good old death has its attractions, even its force. Eros is most often, alas, only its servant. The will has its secret, which consists in preferring nothing to willing nothing.

On this point, today's news is full of chatter. Nauseatingly so. Which is precisely what, at a turning-point in History not unrelated to our own, Sartre's hero feels: "When one lives alone, one forgets what it is to tell something: the plausible disappears at the same time as one's friends. Events too. One lets them flow away, one sees people suddenly surface to talk and then leave, one plunges into stories nonsensically, one would make a terrible witness. But as a consolation, all the implausible, all that wouldn't be believed in the cafes, one has no lack of that."

Sartre, before he too decided to instrumentalize his thought, had a very strong tendency to think. Which moreover, at bottom, is what people hold against him. With him, an important character comes onto the scene, which passing time has decided to forget: Existence. Why yes -- pure, central, annoying, crushing existence: "The only real thing left in me, is the existence that I feel existing." And again: "The truth is that I cannot put down my pen: I feel that I'm going to have Nausea and I think I can put it off by writing. So I'll write whatever comes to mind."

Black Tide of Chatter

That's it, tell us of your existence. We will see soon enough who's lying, posing, loving, hating, or telling the truth. "Let me tell you where I'm coming from" was not at all a stupid expression. It ought to be picked up again; it's not heard enough. It came at the right time. It's more memorable than hackneyed slogans like the famous "It is forbidden to forbid" [not sure if there was a 1960's English equivalent]. Your existence, it alone, not your opinions, your ideas. Not the movie you saw, or the conversations you heard. What is close to you, intimately close. If you escape the "They say ...", you put off Nausea. You have a chance to escape the black tide of chatter.

How curious it is -- poetry, suddenly, the real thing, signals to you. Almost nothing, however, barely a neglected color. It's not a matter of "telling", of making up stories, of transforming life into a novel, as illusionist merchandising so passionately wants it, but just -- click -- to feel yourself existing. You have forbidden youself to do so? In the name of what? In truth, nobody would wish it on you. So bet on the implausible. It's not worth anything, only thought.

[Here's the original, although before long its free-viewing period will expire] [12/13/02 06:51]
 
 

Unilateralism: the exclusive province of the Fourth Estate?

The right-thinking deans of the elite press have included in their bill of particulars against Bush-qua-unilateralist his opposition to allowing an International Criminal Tribunal jurisdiction over Americans. How risible the president's fear that American troops might wind up in dock! How disingenous his claim that unaccountable international judges might brush aside the privileges and immunities which Americans consider a birthright!

Note the press's rather different reaction when one of their own gets subpoenaed by a U.N. War Crimes Tribunal at the Hague. The Washington Post, the Times, all the usuals suspects have reacted violently, and in this case the scribbler in question has only be asked to appear as a witness. According to the press barons, leaving reporters liable to subpoena could endanger them in war zones, as combatants fear the writers may later incriminate them. It occurs to me that America troops might face greater danger in a war zone if they operate in fear of subsequent harassment by point-scoring international judges, but hey, they're just jackbooted agents of Amerikan Empire.

This morning's WSJ reports that the UN tribunal has sided with the reporter. The UN must be terribly sorry for the imposition on their friends in the press. I mean, we all know who the international courts are really supposed to go after. I mean, we're for equal justice and all, but come on, we all know who that equal justice is aimed at. The bad guys! Henry Kissinger! Good, we're all agreed...
[12/12/02 08:52]
 
 
IRISH COF(FEE)

A country that produces a General Confederation of Workers with a special division for those whose work it is to be unemployed (CGT - Chomeurs) enjoys, to crib a phrase from one of Doug's old pieces, "a certain immunity from sarcasm." And so it can at times seems like hauling coals to Newcastle (or mocking Paul Franklin) to point out instances of the naked cynicism in the foreign policy of those self-declared avatars of moral internationalism, the French. Yet if all abandon the task in the face of its tedium, the Big Lie may go unchallenged.

So let me note here the piquant contradiction of French scrupulousness about the possible maculateness, physical and ethical, of American-led action against Saddam, with their heedless meddling in the Ivory Coast. The shady Mr. Gbagbo has long dropped the mask of democratic champion and picked up pretty much where Konan Bedie left off. Riffing off Bedie's "Ivoirete" campaign, he's stirred up Ivoirian resentment of burkinabe "immigrants", many not immigrants at all, but residents in the cocoa-growing areas in the North. Perhaps having absorbed something of their colonial masters' work ethics, the Ivoireans seem to believe themselves above the grueling work of the cocoa-plantations, with the result that the country has seen a long-term migration of burkinabes (and other neighbors) to keep the chocolate-bar economy humming. Gbagbo's nationalistic provocations extended to, it appears, attempting to engineer the assassination of former IMF VP and presidential hopeful (barred from successive elections under the pretext that one of parents was possibly born in Upper Volta) Alassane Outtara. A few months ago, a rebellion broke out in the North, the origins of which were murky, but which seem to be rooted in Gbagbo's attempt to bump off some of his rivals. The rebel movement, whose main demand has been fresh elections in which all candidates, including Outtara can run, has proven a difficult foe. On the verge of overrunning government lines, the advance was only stalled by the arrival of French commandos and tens of millions of dollars of weapons purchased from France and other EU states. The Gbagbo government has habitually violated the negotiated cease-fire put in place after the French army's incursion, which came (ca va sans dire) without any UN resolution. Now, Gbagbo's army of unruly bushmen stands accused of crossing the cease-fire line, killing 120 villagers they suspected of sympathy for the rebels, and dumping them in a mass grave. All in a days work for a regime kept in power by French arms. Maybe we should march to the French Consulate with placards comparing Chirac to Hitler?
[12/7/02 20:45]
 
   
Foch, sir, I turned back charge from Dublin fortification (5,6)

[12/7/02 16:50]
 
 

8-handle means that the big figure was 8; like 8.1% or 8.2%
[12/7/02 13:16]
 
   
What's an 8-handle? [12/7/02 06:06]
 
 
I agree, Ben, that we should regard Chinese aggregate economic statistics with suspicion. Note, for instance, how frequently growth numbers print with an 8-handle. 8 is a lucky number in China. Local cadres are under pressure typical of autocratic regimes to deliver good news, and to the extent that certain national accounts numbers arise from survey data, a lot of positive bias can creep into the numbers.

Let me add here an observation, perhaps obvious (but not so obvious that I've heard others make it), that I've made in my few years of doing country analysis. Gauging the accuracy of a country's reported economic health become exponentially more difficult with the size of the country. Two days in Skopje gives me a highly reliable impression that Macedonian GDP is under-reported. At the other extreme, a few days in Shanghai doesn't tell one much about China in general. Morgan Stanley recently led a high-profile trip of business bigwigs to China. They spent something like ten days there and came back crowing about the Chinese 21st century. But ten days allowed them time to check out Shanghai and Guangzhou, the acknowleged economic motors of China, and both fairly self-contained enclaves of Chinese-style capitalism. And big as these two cities are, maybe they represent 5% of China's population? But between them, it is no trouble to fill up ten days with impressive factory tours, regardless of the squalor and poverty of the other 95% of the country.

Now, we shouldn't discount the differences between the Chinese and Soviet situations. The possibly overoptimistic estimates of Chinese economic power stem from what people see, unrepresentative though it might be. In the Soviet case, the optimism was based on what people *didn't* see. FOr any visitor to Moscow could plainly observe it was a wretched place. The phantom of a military-industrial powerhouse in the closed hinterland informed CIA estimates. Based on pure speculation, the Soviet overestimates could easily drift into much more dramatic territory.

The second difference is in the more easily verifiable statistics. GDP and industrial production calculations can be faked fairly easily. But external accounts aren't so easy to fudge, since by definition they involved an outside counterparty. And China has managed to amass enormous reserves without substantially increasing its external indebtedness. Russia, due to its satellite empire, could obfuscate its trade results.

[12/6/02 18:11]
 
 
China: Paper Tiger?

If the past century teaches any lesson, it's to regard economic assessments of closed societies with deep, deep suspicion. Even open societies present problems for objective analysis. The extravagant claims made for Japan Inc., after all, were not solely the provence of frauds and fools. How much more reluctant should we be, then, to credulously accept claims made for the Soviet economy or Cuba's health care system? Answer: very reluctant.

Now we're treated to predictions of the imminent ascendence of China as an economic colossus. But surely these analyses are based on inherently fudable numbers. Have corrupt bureaucrats cooked the books? It wouldn't
surprise me in the slightest. [12/6/02 12:03]
   
     
     
 

 

 

Ben A. Ben H. Doug Earlier